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[Michael Montesano]

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 A sad state of affairs at the Thai Foreign Ministry

By: PAVIN CHACHAVALPONGPUN

Bangkok Post

2 March 2009

Some people may call it the "twilight zone" or "wonderland", but one has to
concede the Foreign Ministry is the only state agency that has, for a long
time, enjoyed a high level of autonomy since its establishment over a
century ago.

Traditionally, it has managed to stay above politics. It has been left
largely untouched by successive governments of varying guises, ranging from
the most despotic to the democratic.

It's only recently that the Foreign Ministry has fallen into the pit of
political conflict. Never before has it been turned into a playground for
fierce political competition.

The current political situation sees two main opposing political factions,
one that supports former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra and the other
that to a certain extent represents the Bangkok elite, exploiting the
Foreign Ministry and using it as a tool to put their political messages
across.

When Noppadon Patama was foreign minister, he became the target of the
People's Alliance for Democracy (PAD) because he was also Thaksin's legal
adviser.

The PAD politicised every single issue that came under Mr Noppadon's
jurisdiction, even at the expense of worsening bilateral relations between
Thailand and its neighbours.

The Thai-Cambodian spat over Preah Vihear temple was undeniably a product of
an internal power struggle in Thailand. In consequence, the Foreign Ministry
was dragged into a seemingly endless, vicious political game that has
tainted deeply its reputation and belittled its autonomous power and
independence in the conduct of diplomacy.

To this day, the prestigious ministry remains hostage to ongoing political
battles. The consequences have the potential to divert Thai diplomats from
their routine work as they are now preoccupied by having to explain our
political situation to the outside world.

Now, the United Front for Democracy against Dictatorship (UDD) - in return -
is demanding Foreign Minister Kasit Piromya resign because of his previous
association with the PAD. The demand signifies the latest attempt by the UDD
to politicise the foreign minister's portfolio. In doing so, however, the
red-shirt protesters risk tarnishing the country's image during the week of
the Asean summit hosted by Thailand.

Even though the leaders of the UDD have not disrupted the summit, the
political drama taking place at Government House and in front of the Foreign
Ministry is enough to have deleterious effects in the eyes of our foreign
guests.

The same can be said of the PAD when it closed Suvarnabhumi and Don Mueang
airports, the fallout of which is being borne by the overall Thai economy.

In retrospect, the ministry was able to operate independently of the public
domain because it dealt directly with external affairs. The work required
intense knowledge of world politics and proficiency of foreign languages on
the part of diplomats. Throughout colonial times, the two world wars and the
Cold War, the ministry consistently portrayed international politics as a
domain of conflicts, believing that the country was continually challenged
by external threats and that Thailand needed a strong state agency to
navigate out of this precarious environment.

The ministry's autonomy was made possible because of the image it
constructed of Thailand being in a swamp surrounded by all kinds of danger.
The projection provided the agency with a sense of legitimacy in
monopolising foreign relations without any interference from politicians.
But all this changed when Thaksin became prime minister and began his
"colonisation" of the Foreign Ministry.

During Thaksin's tenure, the ministry was transformed into a factory that
produced diplomatic staff in line with the personal interests of the
leaders. Thaksin monopolised and centralised the country's foreign policy,
to the extent of ignoring national limitations and constraints when it came
to interaction with the outside world.

Thaksin may have left the immediate political scene but his legacy has
remained, certainly within the walls of the Foreign Ministry.

On the one hand, Thaksin opened up the atmosphere of mystery surrounding the
ministry. In the past, because of the ministry's autonomy, Thai foreign
policy was formulated and implemented beyond the gaze of the public. Little
participation from the average person was allowed. It was strictly a matter
for the elite, the upper class and the aristocrats.

Thaksin changed the process. He formulated foreign policy that matched his
domestic agenda. He brought the world of diplomacy closer to the people in
remote villages. But at the same time, he was also seen as abusing foreign
policy to enrich himself. Remember the 4-billion-baht soft loan by the
Export-Import Bank to Burma? Remember also that Thaksin's Shin Satellite Co
won a concession from the Burmese junta on telecom projects that was to be
financed by that Thai loan?

It is unfortunate that the Foreign Ministry seems to have lost the grip of
its own authority. This state agency is a special place. It is replete with
intelligent and hard-working diplomats who have been trained to do their
jobs professionally. But now trained ambassadors are few since they were not
"bred" by the gruelling process of professionalisation.

Thailand is entering a new international political landscape with full-blown
globalisation, threats of terrorism, the urge for regionalism and, now, the
global economic recession, so the ministry needs more than ever a free hand
to deal with many of these burning issues. It should not be hamstrung by
political tussles at home.

The political factions really need to take a step back and think seriously
about whether they want to internationalise domestic conflicts and further
blemish the long and good standing of the Foreign Ministry. The
politicisation of this state organisation, with the relentless call for the
current foreign minister to step down even before he can prove his
capability, may satisfy certain political agendas. But it will indubitably
put Thailand in an invidious position on the international stage.

*Dr Pavin Chachavalpongpun is a Visiting Research Fellow at the Institute of
Southeast Asian Studies in Singapore. The opinions expressed in this article
are his.*
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