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<h2 style="MARGIN: auto 0in"><font face="Default Serif,Times New Roman,Times,serif">A sad state of affairs at the Thai Foreign Ministry </font></h2>
<p style="MARGIN: 0in 0in 0pt 0.5in"><span lang="EN-GB"><font face="Default Serif,Times New Roman,Times,serif" size="3">By: PAVIN CHACHAVALPONGPUN </font></span></p>
<p style="MARGIN: 0in 0in 0pt 0.5in"><span lang="EN-GB"><font face="Default Serif,Times New Roman,Times,serif" size="3">Bangkok Post</font></span></p>
<p style="MARGIN: 0in 0in 0pt 0.5in"><span lang="EN-GB"><font face="Default Serif,Times New Roman,Times,serif" size="3">2 March 2009</font></span></p>
<p style="MARGIN: auto 0in"><font face="Default Serif,Times New Roman,Times,serif" size="3">Some people may call it the "twilight zone" or "wonderland", but one has to concede the Foreign Ministry is the only state agency that has, for a long time, enjoyed a high level of autonomy since its establishment over a century ago.</font></p>
<p><font face="Default Serif,Times New Roman,Times,serif" size="3">Traditionally, it has managed to stay above politics. It has been left largely untouched by successive governments of varying guises, ranging from the most despotic to the democratic.</font></p>
<p><font face="Default Serif,Times New Roman,Times,serif" size="3">It's only recently that the Foreign Ministry has fallen into the pit of political conflict. Never before has it been turned into a playground for fierce political competition.</font></p>
<p><font face="Default Serif,Times New Roman,Times,serif" size="3">The current political situation sees two main opposing political factions, one that supports former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra and the other that to a certain extent represents the Bangkok elite, exploiting the Foreign Ministry and using it as a tool to put their political messages across.</font></p>
<p><font face="Default Serif,Times New Roman,Times,serif" size="3">When Noppadon Patama was foreign minister, he became the target of the People's Alliance for Democracy (PAD) because he was also Thaksin's legal adviser.</font></p>
<p><font face="Default Serif,Times New Roman,Times,serif" size="3">The PAD politicised every single issue that came under Mr Noppadon's jurisdiction, even at the expense of worsening bilateral relations between Thailand and its neighbours.</font></p>
<p><font face="Default Serif,Times New Roman,Times,serif" size="3">The Thai-Cambodian spat over Preah Vihear temple was undeniably a product of an internal power struggle in Thailand. In consequence, the Foreign Ministry was dragged into a seemingly endless, vicious political game that has tainted deeply its reputation and belittled its autonomous power and independence in the conduct of diplomacy.</font></p>
<p><font face="Default Serif,Times New Roman,Times,serif" size="3">To this day, the prestigious ministry remains hostage to ongoing political battles. The consequences have the potential to divert Thai diplomats from their routine work as they are now preoccupied by having to explain our political situation to the outside world.</font></p>
<p><font face="Default Serif,Times New Roman,Times,serif" size="3">Now, the United Front for Democracy against Dictatorship (UDD) - in return - is demanding Foreign Minister Kasit Piromya resign because of his previous association with the PAD. The demand signifies the latest attempt by the UDD to politicise the foreign minister's portfolio. In doing so, however, the red-shirt protesters risk tarnishing the country's image during the week of the Asean summit hosted by Thailand.</font></p>
<p><font face="Default Serif,Times New Roman,Times,serif" size="3">Even though the leaders of the UDD have not disrupted the summit, the political drama taking place at Government House and in front of the Foreign Ministry is enough to have deleterious effects in the eyes of our foreign guests.</font></p>
<p><font face="Default Serif,Times New Roman,Times,serif" size="3">The same can be said of the PAD when it closed Suvarnabhumi and Don Mueang airports, the fallout of which is being borne by the overall Thai economy.</font></p>
<p><font face="Default Serif,Times New Roman,Times,serif" size="3">In retrospect, the ministry was able to operate independently of the public domain because it dealt directly with external affairs. The work required intense knowledge of world politics and proficiency of foreign languages on the part of diplomats. Throughout colonial times, the two world wars and the Cold War, the ministry consistently portrayed international politics as a domain of conflicts, believing that the country was continually challenged by external threats and that Thailand needed a strong state agency to navigate out of this precarious environment.</font></p>
<p><font face="Default Serif,Times New Roman,Times,serif" size="3">The ministry's autonomy was made possible because of the image it constructed of Thailand being in a swamp surrounded by all kinds of danger. The projection provided the agency with a sense of legitimacy in monopolising foreign relations without any interference from politicians. But all this changed when Thaksin became prime minister and began his "colonisation" of the Foreign Ministry.</font></p>
<p><font face="Default Serif,Times New Roman,Times,serif" size="3">During Thaksin's tenure, the ministry was transformed into a factory that produced diplomatic staff in line with the personal interests of the leaders. Thaksin monopolised and centralised the country's foreign policy, to the extent of ignoring national limitations and constraints when it came to interaction with the outside world.</font></p>
<p><font face="Default Serif,Times New Roman,Times,serif" size="3">Thaksin may have left the immediate political scene but his legacy has remained, certainly within the walls of the Foreign Ministry.</font></p>
<p><font face="Default Serif,Times New Roman,Times,serif" size="3">On the one hand, Thaksin opened up the atmosphere of mystery surrounding the ministry. In the past, because of the ministry's autonomy, Thai foreign policy was formulated and implemented beyond the gaze of the public. Little participation from the average person was allowed. It was strictly a matter for the elite, the upper class and the aristocrats.</font></p>
<p><font face="Default Serif,Times New Roman,Times,serif" size="3">Thaksin changed the process. He formulated foreign policy that matched his domestic agenda. He brought the world of diplomacy closer to the people in remote villages. But at the same time, he was also seen as abusing foreign policy to enrich himself. Remember the 4-billion-baht soft loan by the Export-Import Bank to Burma? Remember also that Thaksin's Shin Satellite Co won a concession from the Burmese junta on telecom projects that was to be financed by that Thai loan? </font></p>
<p><font face="Default Serif,Times New Roman,Times,serif" size="3">It is unfortunate that the Foreign Ministry seems to have lost the grip of its own authority. This state agency is a special place. It is replete with intelligent and hard-working diplomats who have been trained to do their jobs professionally. But now trained ambassadors are few since they were not "bred" by the gruelling process of professionalisation.</font></p>
<p><font face="Default Serif,Times New Roman,Times,serif" size="3">Thailand is entering a new international political landscape with full-blown globalisation, threats of terrorism, the urge for regionalism and, now, the global economic recession, so the ministry needs more than ever a free hand to deal with many of these burning issues. It should not be hamstrung by political tussles at home. </font></p>
<p><font face="Default Serif,Times New Roman,Times,serif" size="3">The political factions really need to take a step back and think seriously about whether they want to internationalise domestic conflicts and further blemish the long and good standing of the Foreign Ministry. The politicisation of this state organisation, with the relentless call for the current foreign minister to step down even before he can prove his capability, may satisfy certain political agendas. But it will indubitably put Thailand in an invidious position on the international stage.</font></p>
<p><b><font size="3"><font face="Default Serif,Times New Roman,Times,serif">Dr Pavin Chachavalpongpun is a Visiting Research Fellow at the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies in Singapore. The opinions expressed in this article are his.</font></font></b></p>
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